TA THU THAU: VIETNAMESE TROTSKYIST
Ngo Van Xuyet
The credit for the first attempt in
Britain to confront the Vietnamese Stalinists with the question of the murder
of Ta Thu Thau goes to Chris Harman of the International Socialists (now the
Socialist Workers Party), who broached the subject in his speech at a Ho Chi
Minh Memorial Meeting, which was organised by the Vietnam Solidarity Campaign,
and held in London on 13 September 1969. This resulted in the representative of
the Stalinist regime walking off the stage in protest, and considerable
pandemonium in the hall.
An eye-witness account of this meeting appears in
David Widgery, The Left in Britain 1956-68, Harmondsworth 1976, pp
412-5. An account by the IS appeared in Socialist Worker (18 September
1969), and one hostile to the IS was in Black Dwarf (1 October 1969).
Ho – He Gave the ‘Third World’ Hope, which made much the same points as his
speech, appeared in Socialist Worker (11 September 1969). A letter from
Peter Sedgwick defending Harman’s position appeared in Black Dwarf (26
November 1969), with an editorial reply signed by Tariq Ali, Anthony Barnett,
Fred Halliday, Adrian Mitchell and Sheila Rowbotham, saying that “Sedgwick ...
knows little about Vietnam”. (The IS had previously published material on Ta
Thu Thau in an article by Jim Scott, Ta Thu Thau – A Great Vietnamese
Socialist, Labour Worker (7 September 1966).)
Some sections of the Trotskyist movement showed a
distinct lack of principle on this issue. The International Marxist Group
affirmed that “all talk of ‘Ho Chi Minh’s murder squads’ is an over-simplified
distortion of an extremely complex situation” (Ta Thu Thau: Vietnamese Revolutionary,
Red Mole, 15 September 1970), and Stephen Johns tried to exonerate the
regime from responsibility by claiming that he had been “assassinated by a
Vietminh cadre” (Stalinism and the Liberation of Vietnam, Fourth
International (WRP), Volume 9 no.3, Autumn 1975, p.119).
Ho Chi Minh’s responsibility is established in the
three letters and three interviews printed in Ho Chi Minh et les Trotskystes, Chroniques
Vietnamiennes, no.1, November 1986, pp.13-18, from which come the pieces
translated by Richard Moore in Political Terror in Vietnam, Socialist
Organiser, no.295, 4 December 1986, and by Simon Pirani in Vietnam and
Trotskyism, Australia 1987, pp.123-8. Tran Van Giau’s personal
responsibility was raised with him when on a visit to France last year (Peter
Salmon, Killer Confronted, Workers Press, 24 February 1990).
Other accounts by the Groupe Trotskyste Vietnamien in France occur in
Justice for Ta Thu Thau, Socialist Organiser, no.359, 9 June 1988 and
Ta Thu Thau, Vietnamese Trotskyist, Socialist Organiser, no.360, 16
The following summary was written for us by the
veteran Vietnamese revolutionary Ngo Van Xuyet, who now lives in Paris, and was
translated for this magazine by Simon Pirani, and our thanks are surely due to
both, as it consists of the fullest treatment of the life of this heroic figure
that has yet appeared in English.
* * * * *
Ta Thu Thau was born on 6 May 1906 at Tan Binh
(Longxuyên, south Vietnam), the fourth child of a large and very poor family:
his father was a carpenter. In 1925 he began work as a teacher in Saigon.  At the
age of 20, along with most of the ‘educated’ youth, Ta Thu Thau – in an
experience he later called the “folly of his youth” – joined the nationalist
group Young Annam, which was soon dissolved by the French colonial government.  On 24
March 1926 Ta Thu Thau took part in a mass demonstration to mark the return
from France of the constitutional-nationalist leader Bui Quang Chiêu, and on 4
April 1926 in the demonstration marking the funeral of the veteran nationalist
Phan Chau Trinh.  On 21
March that year he had taken part in a meeting in the Rue Lanzarotte, Saigon,
organised by Nguyen An Ninh, for democratic liberties, and against the
exploitation of Annamites, both natives from Annam and those from Tonkin. He
wrote for the Annam newspaper of the nationalist lawyer Phan Van Truong.
Ta Thu Thau arrived in France in September 1927 and
enrolled at the Science faculty of the University of Paris. He joined the Dang
Viet Nam Dôc Lap (Annamite Independence Party – PAI), and after its founder
Nguyen The Truyen returned to Vietnam in 1928, took responsibility for its
work.  The
anti-colonialist monthly Resurrection, which began in December the same
year, but was shortlived, was published by Ta Thu Thau in collaboration with
Huynh Van Phuong. 
In January 1929, Pierre Taittinger’s Jeunesse
Patriotes (Young Patriots) 
clashed with Annamites under the PAI’s influence. Ta Thu Thau attacked L’Humanité,
the French Communist Party’s newspaper, for the “bad faith” of its account, and
the French Communist Party (PCF) for its failure to intervene on behalf of the
Annamites arrested at this meeting, and wrote about the “retribution to be
exacted from the PCF’s Colonial Commission” for its “counter-revolutionary
factional work” within the PAI. The Annamite group of the PCF’s Colonial
section, led by Nguyen Van Tao , hoped
through this work to transform the PAI members into “automatons for carrying
out their edicts”, as he wrote. A leaflet written by Ta Thu Thau concluded:
“From our unspeakable slavery, we cry out to all the oppressed of the colonies:
unite against European imperialism, white or red, if you want a part of this
world for yourselves.” In March 1929 Ta Thu Thau tried in vain to defend the
PAI from its legal dissolution by the Seine district court.
From 20 to 30 July 1929 Ta Thu Thau participated in
the Second Congress of the Anti-Imperialist League at Frankfurt.  In
left-wing Paris circles, he met Felicien Challaye, Francis Jourdain and Daniel
Guérin.  He
abandoned the nationalist beliefs of his early years and entered the Trotskyist
Left Opposition. He was 23 years old.
Following the insurrection at Yên Bay, on the night
of 9-10 February 1930, inspired by the Viet Nam Quôc Dân Dang (the Annamite
Kuomintang) , Ta
Thu Thau set out his political perspective in relation to the Indochinese
revolution in La Verité, organ of the Left Opposition in Paris
The artificially-created indigenous bourgeoisie is
not capable of making any revolution ... the indigenous bourgeois bloc,
incapable of an independent existence, has welded itself firmly to the French
bourgeoisie – which holds on tight to it, and uses it to break up the
revolutionary struggle in the name of Annamite nationalism.
The badly-organised rising at Yên Bay ... without
liaison between its organisation and the civilian population ... was launched
on a confused ideological foundation ... a Sun-Yat-sen-ist synthesis of
democracy, nationalism and socialism  ...
a kind of nationalist mysticism.
This policy obscured the concrete class
relationships, and the real, organic liaison between the indigenous bourgeoisie
and French imperialism ... Those who speak of immediate and integral
independence have nothing more than a mechanical and formalistic conception of
the struggle. Not one of them can doubt that, behind these impressive words,
there is a people within which operate perpetual molecular changes of the
social classes, which are all the more imperceptible because they are veiled by
the appearance of the conflict between races, which in many people’s eyes is
real and eternal ... Neither terrorism nor Gandhism will resolve the colonial
problem ... A revolution based on the organisation of the proletarian and
peasant masses is the only one capable of liberating the colonies ... The
question of independence must be bound up with that of the proletarian
Ta Thu Thau here criticised the Third International
and the PCF for their negligence in training Marxist cadres, and for their
empirical approach to the so-called “continuous revolutionary situation” in
Indochina; he denounced the “false policy of the International”, the
adventurist policy of the Third Period, as a result of which “proletarian
revolutionaries had capitulated to the nationalist parties ...” and “the
Chinese revolution had been led to the graveyard.”
On 22 May 1930 the Annamite students in Paris
demonstrated in the Champs d’Elysées against more than 50 death sentences
passed against participants in the Yên Bay uprising; Ta Thu Thau was arrested,
and on 30 May deported from France back to Vietnam with 18 of his compatriots.
When the clandestine Trotskyist Ta doi lâp (Left
Opposition) was formed in Saigon near the end of 1931, Ta Thu Thau was one of
its founders. But the group soon split into three factions: Ta Thu Thau
organised the Dông duong công san (Indochinese Communism) group, which from 1
May 1932 published a duplicated news-sheet, Vô San (Proletarian).
Huynh Van Phuong and Phan Van Chanh, who were also among those deported from
France, published communist propaganda journals under the title Ta doi lâp
tung tho (Left Opposition Publications). Another deportee from
France, Ho Huu Tuong, together with other opponents of the Indochinese
Communist Party, formed the Thang muoi (October) group. 
These clandestine groups were soon hit by severe
repression. Forty-one people were arrested in Saigon and in the Baclieu, Baria,
Giadinh and Soctrang provinces. Arrested on 8 August 1932, Ta Thu Thau was
freed with a warning on 21 January 1933; but 15 activists were sentenced to
between four months and five years imprisonment at a trial of 21 Trotskyists on
1 May 1933.
At the Saigon municipal elections on 30 April and 7
May 1933, Ta Thu Thau carried out legal agitation with the Stalinist Communist
Nguyen Van Tao, the nationalists Nguyen An Ninh, Tran Van Thach, Le Van Thu,
Trinh Hung Ngau and others.  This
group constituted a ‘workers’ list (so lao dong) for the elections, an unusual
event for Indochina. A French-language newspaper, La Lutte (The
Struggle), was published to support the campaign (Annamite-language
newspapers were subject to censorship); the first issue was dated 24 April 1933
and the paper disappeared the day after the election. To a stupefied reaction
from colonialist society, two candidates from the ‘workers’ list’ were elected
onto the municipal council.
On 15 November of the same year, following an
initiative from a study circle of former students in France, Ta Thu Thau gave a
lecture on the dialectic, to a large audience of students and workers gathered
at a cooperative college.
In 1934, from the ‘United Front’ of Trotskyists,
Stalinists and nationalists “for the defence of the working class”, the La
Lutte group was formally constituted; the Trotskyists withheld their
critique of the USSR and Stalinism, the Stalinists their criticism of
Trotskyism, and the La Lutte newspaper reappeared on 4 October 1934.
Their election to office annulled , the
group’s members presented themselves anew for the municipal election of May
1935. Ta Thu Thau was among those elected. Sought by the authorities for
“subversive press activity”, he was given a two year suspended prison sentence
on 27 June 1935, a punishment confirmed by the appeal court on 10 September
1935. On 26 December 1935 Ta Thu Thau – along with three other elected
representatives of La Lutte – was arrested for making a speech in
support of striking tilbury-drivers; they were released the next day. At the
trial of the La Lutte newspaper on 18 March 1936, Ta Thu Thau was fined
500 francs in the Saigon court.
The coming to power of the Popular Front government
in France in June 1936 
triggered off a vast popular movement which swept Indochina: strikes in the
rubber plantations, in the Arsenal, on the railways ... and peasant
demonstrations. At a meeting on 13 August 1936, principally of militants from
the La Lutte group and leaders of the constitutional-nationalist party,
plans were sketched out for the Indochinese Congress movement. A committee was
formed to prepare a charter of democratic demands for presentation to the
Popular Front government. The Congress movement was banned on 19 September
1936, and Ta Thu Thau, who had taken part in its commission for legislation for
the workers, was jailed along with Nguyen Van Tao and Nguyen An Ninh. They were
all released after 11 days’ hunger strike, on 5 November.
In 1937 industrial strikes and peasant
demonstrations exploded again. Ta Thu Thau found himself back in prison from 18
May to 7 June, and was then condemned by the Saigon court on 9 July to two years
in prison, a sentence against which he appealed. It was at this time that the
PCF ordered the Stalinists to break with the Trotskyists (cf the letter from
Gitton, 19 May 1937).  A
general strike of railwaymen landed Ta Thu Thau back in prison on 23 July 1937.
After a hunger strike of 12 days, he was brought back it front of the Saigon
court on 17 September on a stretcher. He was semi-paralysed. Condemned on 11
November to a further two-year sentence to run concurrently, he was released
conditionally three months before the end of the sentence, on 14 February 1939,
on the eve of the Annamite new year.
Working with his Trotskyist comrades Ta Thu Thau
continued publication of the newspaper Tranh dau (formerly La Lutte
which appeared in the Annamite language from October 1938), supporting the
Fourth International. In the paper’s pages he waged a campaign for the Colonial
Council elections of 16 and 30 April 1939 ,.
where he was elected with his two comrades Tran Van Thach and Phan Var Hum
Their programme included opposition to a national loan of 33 million piastres
being raised from the people “for the defence of Indochina” – and this
conflicted with the position of the Indochinese Communist Party, which was
aligned with that of the PCF, that France had to get her security forces into a
state of battle-readiness, as a consequence of the Laval-Stalin pact of May
1935. On 1 October 1939 Phan Van Hum was condemned to five years in prison for
this anti-militarist propaganda.
Ta Thu Thau was authorised to leave Saigon on 21
August 1939 to go to Siam. He intended to seek medical treatment there. But the
war broke out, and he was arrested and taken back to Saigon on 11 October 1939.
The newspaper Tranh dau was among those affected by a banning order on
26 September 1939, and Ta Thu Thau’s group was among those “communistic groups
and associations” affected by a dissolution order (decreed in October, 1939).
Condemned in the Saigon court on 16 April 1940 to five years’ imprisonment a
10-year banning order and 10 years’ loss of civil rights, Ta Thu Thau was
deported to the Poulo Condore island concentration camp in October 1940.
After his return from the camp at the end of 1944,
Ta Thu Thau worked to build the Socialist Workers Party (Dan xa hoi tho
thuyen). The Japanese coup put an end to French colonial power on March 1945,
and replaced it with the government of Bao Dai and Tran Tron Kim.  By
the middle of 1945, Ta Thi Thau had made his way to Tonkin, and made contact
with Trotskyist militants in the Dan phuong region including Luon Due Thiep,
Khuong Huu An and others who were publishing the newspaper Chieu dau (Combat)
as the organ of the Socialist Workers Party of north Vietnam.
Ta Thu Thau participated in clandestine workers’
and peasants’ meetings in the mining areas of Nam dinh, Haiphong and Hai duong.
After the fall of Japan and the coming to power of Ho Chi Minh in August 1945 , Ta
Thu Thau hoped to get back to south Vietnam, but was arrested by the Vietminh
at Quang ngai and assassinated in September 1945. 
On the subject of Ta Thu Thau’s death, here are the
words of Ho Chi Minh in 1946, as told by Daniel Guerin: “He was a great patriot
and we mourn him ... but all those who do not follow the line we have laid down
will be broken.”
In the month following the Saigon insurrection of
23 September 1945, Ta Thu Thau’s closest comrades led the Tranh dau
group into battle against the Franco-British force which aimed to reconquer
Vietnam, an engagement in which some 200 Tranh dau men lost their lives;
like Ta Thu Thau, the Tranh dau leaders were assassinated by Ho Chi
We must recall that in 1939, echoing the Moscow
Trials, Ho Chi Minh wrote three letters to his “beloved comrades” describing
the Trotskyists as “notorious spies and traitors”, in the service of
“international, Chinese, Spanish, Italian and German fascism”. To exterminate
them was the implicit, but very clear, conclusion from this.
As a person, Ta Thu Thau was likeable and had great
self-possession. Answering a summons by governor Pages  in
April 1937, he declared: “A revolutionary I am, and a revolutionary I will
remain as long as there is blood in my veins.”
Ngo Van Xuyet
1. Saigon was renamed Ho Chi Minh City
after the National Liberation Front’s 1975 victory.
2. France sent military missions to
Vietnam from 1848 (central and south Vietnam then constituting the nation of
Annam, north Vietnam being known as Tonkin). Vietnam and Cambodia were under
complete French control by the 1860s, and this was extended to all Indochina
with the conquest of Laos in 1893. The national independence movement took the
form of bourgeois conspiracies in the early years of the twentieth century; in
the early 1920s it emerged as a mass movement. A Constitutionalist Party was
formed in 1923; revolutionary nationalist organisations also proliferated, of
which Young Annam (Viet Nam Thanh Nien Dang) was one.
3. Bui Quang Chieu founded the bourgeois
Constitutionalist Party which aroused mass sentiment against the feudal class
and colonialists in the 1920s, using occasions such as Phan Chau Trinh’s
funeral for this purpose. As workers' movements emerged, starting with the
abortive uprisings of 1930, the Constitutionalists became extremely hostile to
them and drew closer to the colonialist government and police.
Phan Chau Trinh was a mandarin at the Hue court,
who quit his post in disgust at the court’s corruption in 1905, and joined
nationalist veteran Phan Boi Chau in exile in Hong Kong. Returning to Vietnam
in 1906, he was accused of inspiring a peasant uprising in 1908 and was jailed far
three years. After being freed he continued political activity.
4. Nguyen An Ninh studied law in Paris,
where he joined the nationalist movement. He returned to Vietnam in 1923 and
founded the nationalist newspaper La Cloche Felée, which among other
things published the Communist Manifesto in Vietnam for the first time;
in the 1930s he played a leading role in the Indochinese Congress movement, and
in La Lutte. The Rue Lanzarotte meeting, attended by 3,000 people, was
the first-ever public political rally in Saigon. La Cloche Felée was
followed by Annam in May 1926. Its editor, Phan Van Truong, had joined
the nationalist movement as a student in France in 1912.
5. Nguyen The Truyen also joined the
nationalist movement while studying in France, and in 1922-23 formed L’Union
Intercoloniale to unite anti-imperialists from throughout the French empire. He
returned to Vietnam in 1928. Back in France in 1936-37, he attempted to
establish a union of oppressed nationalities together with the Algerian Messali
6. Huynh Van Phuong came from a rich
Mytho family; in 1927 he went to study law in Paris, where he joined the
Trotskyist Left Opposition. Deported to Vietnam together with Ta Thu Thau in
1930, he edited the Left Opposition’s journal in Saigon, and was active in the La
Lutte group. He was assassinated by the Stalinists in 1945.
7. Pierre Taittinger’s Jeunesses
Patriotes were French fascists, inspired by Mussolini, who emerged as a force
after the 1924 election of a Radical-Socialist coalition. These were lumpen
thugs, dressed in blue raincoats and berets for their public provocations,
downmarket in comparison to the Croix de Feu (predominantly ex-servicemen) and
Charles Maurras’ Action Directe which headed the attempted fascist coup of
8. Nguyen Van Tao joined the French Communist
Party while studying in Paris, and became a full-timer in 1927; he was deported
to Vietnam in 1931, where he played a leading part in the Stalinist
9. The Anti-Imperialist League, founded
under the influence of the Stalinist Comintern leaders in 1927 at Brussels,
brought together pacifists and other petty-bourgeois lefts. The Frankfurt
congress, which Ta Thu Thau attended, brought its short life to an end.
10. Felicien Challaye, Francis Jourdain
and historian and writer Daniel Guerin were French anti-colonialists, inspirers
of numerous actions supporting colonial liberation, and founders in 1933 of an
Amnesty Committee for Vietnamese political prisoners.
11. The Yen Bay insurrection began as a
mutiny by Annamite troops stationed on the Chinese frontier; they massacred
their officers and controlled the garrison for a night, but other garrisons
either failed to rise or were defeated. The village of Co Am rose a few days
later, and was suppressed by pitiless aerial bombardment. The severity of
French repression following the rising finished the Viet Nam Quoc Dan Dong as a
12. Sun Yat Sen was founder of the Chinese
bourgeois nationalist Guomindang; his philosophy combined anti-imperialist
nationalism, democracy and utopian Socialist ideas.
13. Phanh Van Chanh joined the Left
Opposition in Paris in 1929, and was deported along with Ta Thu Thau in 1930.
He worked as a teacher, and was an editor of the Left Opposition's Saigon
journal. Deported to Poulo Condore 1940-43; he was assassinated by the
Stalinists in October 1945 at Ben Sue, Thu Dau Mot. For Huynh Van Phuong see note 6.
Ho Huu Tuong began his political life as a
nationalist, and joined the Trotskyist movement while studying in France, at
Aixen-Provence and Lyons; he returned to Saigon in 1931. The October
group, which later became the League of Internationalist Communists, supported
the Fourth International and published Le Militant; it would not join
the La Lutte front because this would have meant withholding public
criticism of the Stalinists; its members played a leading role in forming
soviet-type workers’ councils in the 1945 revolution. Ho Huu Tuong also
participated in 1945, although he had renounced Trotskyism during the war.
14. Tran Van Thach, a nationalist, studied
in Paris and was deported to Vietnam with Ta Thu Thau in 1930. He worked as a
teacher and, following the struggle within La Lutte, became a Trotskyist
in 1937. He was elected to the Saigon Colonial Council in 1939, imprisoned at
Poulo Condore from 1940 to 1944, and assassinated by the Stalinists at Thu Dau
Mot in 1945. Le Van Thu, another of the Paris deportees, remained a nationalist
but played an active part in La Lutte and the workers’ movement. Trinh
Hung Ngau, who had worked with Ta Thu Thau on the Annam newspaper, was a
nationalist with Anarchist leanings.
15. The elections of La Lutte
councillors were annulled on spurious grounds, such as the non-payment of
16. The elections of April-May 1936 in
France gave a large majority to the Popular Front of the Communist Party,
Socialists, Radicals and others. A government headed by Leon Blum of the
Socialist Party took office on 2 June amidst a wave of strikes and factory
occupations. The Stalinists supported this government, although they did not
take part in it, thus ensuring that power remained with the bourgeoisie.
17. At this time the Trotskyists advocated
intensified strike struggles against French imperialism; the Stalinists wanted
an abatement of strikes on the grounds that the working class should not damage
the French Popular Front government, a diplomatic ally of the USSR. The letter
from French CP leader Marcel Gitton to the Indochinese CP stated “we consider
it impossible to continue the collaboration of the party with the Trotskyists
...” and instructed it to cease. After the Stalinists split from La Lutte,
the letter was published in it (29 August 1937).
18. Colonial Councils were administrative
bodies with limited powers; there was a small property qualification for
19. Phan Van Hum was a teacher of law,
literature and philosophy. He began political activity as a nationalist, but
joined the Trotskyist movement in France in the early 1930s. Returning to
Saigon in July 1933, he took part in La Lutte, was deported to Poulo
Condore during the war, and was assassinated by the Stalinists in October 1945
in Bien Hoa. For Tran Van Thach see note 13. Their joint letter to Trotsky appears
20. Bao Dai, last emperor of Vietnam,
succeeded his father in 1925 at the age of 12, but did not take the throne
until 1932. He collaborated with the French, and when the Japanese coup took
place agreed to work with them; he abdicated in 1945, joined the Vietminh
briefly, went into exile, and returned as a French puppet again from 1949 to
1955. Tran Trong Kim, a mild-mannered academic, was his Prime Minister in 1945.
21. Japan surrendered to the imperialist
Allies on 14 August 1945, after the atom bombing of Hiroshima: this provoked a
revolutionary situation in Vietnam. In the north the Vietminh marched from
their jungle bases into Hanoi and declared a ‘Democratic Republic’ on 2 September.
According to Stalin’s agreement with the Allies, the south was to be placed
under French control again, and while the southern Vietminh tried to prepare
for this, it was resisted by the nationalists, and by the Trotskyists who
called for the workers’ councils which had sprung up to take power. The
Stalinists arrested delegates to a congress of workers’ councils and managed to
establish a ‘provisional government’ despite the unpopularity of their line;
they stood by as the French reinvaded in October, concentrating their fire on
the Trotskyists, all of whose leaders were killed.
22. According to a report published in the
journal Quatrième Internationale in 1947, Ta Thu Thau was tried by a
Vietminh ‘people’s tribunal’ after his arrest. Due to his great prestige in the
workers’ movement, this tribunal could not be persuaded to find him guilty of
anything; then he was shot anyway.
23. Pierre Pages was French colonial
governor of Indochina throughout the 1930s.
This essay is based upon the following sources:
Archives nationales (Paris) F7-13406, 13408, 13409, 13410, 13167, 13170,
Archives Outre-mer D2514; La Depeche d’Indochine, Saigon, various issues
1933-40; Nguyen Van Dinh, Ta thu thau, to qudc gia toi quoc te (Ta
Thu Thau, from Nationalism to Internationalism), Saigon 1938; Phuong Lan, Nha
each mang Ta thu Thau (The revolutionary Ta Thu Thau), Saigon 1974;
D. Hemery, Du patriotisme au marxism: l’immigration vietnamienne en France
1926 a 1930 (From patriotism to Marxism: the Vietnamese emigration in
France 1926-30), in Le Mouvement social, no.90, Paris 1975; D. Hemery,
Revolutionnaires vietnamiens et pouvoir colonial en Indochine (Vietnamese
revolutionaries and colonial power in Indochina), Paris 1975; D. Hemery, Ta
Thu Thau: l’itineraire politique d’un révolutionnaire vietnamien pendant les
annees 1930 (Ta Thu Thau: the political path of a Vietnamese
revolutionary through the 1930s) in Histoire de l’Asie du Sud-Est.
The translation and the notes are the work of Simon Pirani, to whom, along with
the author, our thanks are due.